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In late October, an from a fundraising event in Georgia captured Brian Kemp, the Republican gubernatorial candidate, expressing concern about his Democratic opponent Stacy Abrams鈥� get out the vote efforts. In it, he pointed to her campaign鈥檚 mobilization of absentee ballots as 鈥渟omething that continues to concern us.鈥� A candidate for office worrying about their opponent鈥檚 ability to get voters to the polls is nothing new, but Kemp鈥檚 comments underscored the emergence of voting rights as a contentious issue in the campaign.

Georgia isn鈥檛 alone. Across the country, states have become embroiled in battles over access to the vote, and the outcome could well determine who holds electoral power in America for years to come.

Since the 2008 election, when high turnout by young voters and voters of color propelled Barack Obama to the presidency, a wave of restrictions on voting have been passed by state legislatures or put in place by state election officials. Early voting periods have been shortened, polling places shuttered, and voter ID requirements implemented that have made it more difficult to vote in many states. On the other side, voting rights advocates have challenged many of these restrictions in court 鈥� often successfully 鈥� and pushed for policies designed to increase voter turnout.

, 24 states have imposed restrictions on voting since 2010. Eight of those states have put new restrictions in place in the two years since the last presidential election. With few exceptions, these restrictions were drawn up by Republican legislators, and they have almost uniformly had the effect of creating obstacles to voting for younger voters and people of color, who tend to lean Democratic. The false menace of voter fraud is the most common justification for this contraction of voting rights, but there are clear signs that the aim is to prevent eligible voters from reaching the polls.

In 2012, for example, a former GOP party chairman in Florida admitted a law restricting early voting was passed specifically because After similar restrictions were passed in North Carolina, a Republican Party press release a decline in early voting by Black residents. After the 2016 presidential election, Wisconsin鈥檚 Republican Attorney General . Black voters in Wisconsin were three times more likely than white voters to say that the law had made it more difficult for them to vote.

But voting rights advocates are pushing back. In some cases, they鈥檝e used the courts. In Kansas, for example, the ACLU successfully blocked a state law that required individuals to provide documentary proof of citizenship, like a birth certificate or passport, to register to vote. In other cases, advocates have lobbied state legislatures to pass laws that encourage voter registration or fought to defeat new voter ID requirements. This year, a number of states have initiatives on the ballot that have the potential to make voting easier and more accessible to millions of Americans. Amendment 4 in Florida alone will give back the vote to an estimated if it passes. And earlier this year, advocates won a major victory in Washington, helping to get a law passed that allows greater flexibility for communities to set the rules of local elections and prevent the marginalization of minority groups from elected offices.

The battle over voting rights in the U.S. has a long, bitter history, and the last few years show it鈥檚 far from settled. With crucial midterm elections coming up, these are the most prominent issues at play, along with a look at some changes made to voting rights at the state level since 2010.

Allowing eligible voters to get their names onto state voting rolls is critical to increasing access to the polls. But policies in some states have established significant obstacles to registration. Rather than creating simplified processes that encourage easy registration, some states have adopted systems that do exactly the opposite, making it harder for voting rights advocates to help get eligible voters on the rolls.

On the other hand, in recent years those advocates have won big victories in some states that have streamlined registration processes. Automatic voter registration, for example, which requires anyone who interacts with a state motor vehicle department to 鈥渙pt-out鈥� of registration rather than having to tick a box to 鈥渙pt-in,鈥� has gained strong momentum in just a few years.

Since 2015, 13 states鈥擜laska, California, Colorado, Georgia, Illinois, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Jersey, Oregon, Rhode Island, Vermont, Washington, and West Virginia鈥攈ave , along with the District of Columbia. Cumulatively, these laws have the potential to include hundreds of thousands of new voters onto the rolls. In Nevada, an initiative on next week鈥檚 ballot would make automatic voter registration into state law, ensuring that anyone who interacts with a wide range of state agencies will be placed onto voter rolls.

Currently, 15 states and the District of Columbia have policies that rather than requiring them to register weeks beforehand (eight states introduced that policy since 2010). Research shows that these policies can significantly . Washington has also passed election-day registration, but it will not be implemented until 2019. Initiatives on the November ballot in Maryland and Michigan would make those states the 17th and 18th in the nation to offer election-day registration if they pass. Michigan鈥檚 ballot measure, called 鈥�Promote the Vote,鈥� would implement a broad swath of procedures to encourage voter registration, expand access to absentee ballots, and require post-election audits.

Many states now offer online voter registration, although it is typically limited to residents with a valid state ID. Since 2010, 35 states along with D.C. have introduced online voter registration. A full list can be found .

But the news isn鈥檛 all good. Here are some states that have imposed restrictive voter registration policies since 2010:

Texas 鈥� In 2011 Republican lawmakers passed a law that made it illegal to help someone register to vote without first being 鈥渄eputized鈥� by a county board. Even after going through that process, a 鈥淰olunteer Deputy Registrar鈥� can be charged with a felony if that person helps someone from a different state county register to vote. This law has made it to organize voter registration drives in the state.

Kansas 鈥� In 2011, a bill that was supported by both Republican and Democratic lawmakers in Kansas created a requirement that prospective voters provide documentary proof of citizenship鈥攕uch as a passport or birth certificate, which many eligible voters do not possess鈥攊n order to register to vote. A federal judge after a lawsuit brought by the ACLU.

Tennessee 鈥� In 2011, Republican lawmakers passed a law that allows the state to flag voters who are suspected of being non-citizens and require them to show proof of citizenship in order to cast a ballot.

Alabama 鈥� In 2011, Republican lawmakers passed a law requiring prospective voters to show proof of citizenship before registering to vote. The requirement has not been implemented, but in 2016 the Election Assistance Commission鈥攁 federal agency that exercises a supervisory role over some election-related issues鈥� for state residents who use a federal election form to register to vote. After a court challenge, .

Georgia 鈥� In 2016, the federal Election Assistance Commission also allowed Georgia to require proof of citizenship for state residents who use a federal election form to register to vote. After a court challenge, that requirement was also blocked pending appeal.

Ohio 鈥� In 2014, Republican lawmakers eliminated the state鈥檚 鈥済olden week鈥� period 鈥� a six-day window at the beginning of Ohio鈥檚 early voting period that allowed voters to register and cast their ballot on the same day. Some 80,000 voters 鈥� 鈥� made use of 鈥済olden week鈥� in 2012. The U.S. Supreme Court to reverse the cut in 2016.

Florida 鈥� After the 2010 election, Republican lawmakers passed a law that imposed harsh requirements on groups conducting voter registration drives. An analysis by The New York Times in 2012 showed that the law had the effect of when compared with similar periods in earlier election cycles.

Other states that have implemented some form of restrictions on voter registration since 2010 include Wisconsin, Illinois, Virginia, Iowa, and New Hampshire. For more on these restrictions, .

When done properly, list maintenance of voter rolls ensures an accurate accounting of who鈥檚 eligible to vote by removing the names of people who have died or moved out of state. But maintenance can become a 鈥榩urge鈥� when it arbitrarily removes large groups of voters through faulty processes. Such purges often have a disproportionate impact on voters of color.

, for example, found that in Ohio鈥檚 three largest counties, 144,000 voters had been stricken from the rolls between 2008 and 2016, and that 鈥渘eighborhoods that have a high proportion of poor, African-American residents [were] hit hardest.鈥�

Another analysis of voter purges found that between 2014 and 2016, states removed nearly 16 million voters from their rolls. Disturbingly, states that were no longer subject to preclearance requirements of the Voting Rights Act after Shelby County v. Holder saw large spikes in voter purges. In Texas alone, over 350,000 more voters were purged from the rolls in the election cycle following Shelby County than in the cycle that preceded the ruling.

And in Georgia, , including over 100,000 who simply hadn鈥檛 voted in recent elections or responded to a notice mailed by the state. The purge was supervised by Georgia鈥檚 Republican Secretary of State Brian Kemp, who is now running for governor.

Voter ID laws typically require voters to present a photo ID at polling stations before entering the booth, and often specify that those IDs must be issued by a government agency or include a street address. In practice, voter ID requirements suppress turnout, particularly by voters of color, who are statistically less likely than white voters to have an ID that satisfies the legal requirements. Nationally, up to 25 percent of Black citizens of voting age lack government-issued photo ID, compared with only 8 percent of white citizens. Since 2010, 14 states have imposed more restrictive voter ID laws than they had previously.

Voter ID laws tend to get the most press coverage, but changes to early voting periods can also have a significant impact on turnout. Many voters aren鈥檛 able to make it to the polls on Election Day, particularly if they work in hourly wage jobs and can鈥檛 get time off to vote. In 2016, 鈥� an increase of 15 million just since 2012. Black voters in particular are statistically to take advantage of these periods than white voters. , seven states made cuts to their early voting periods since 2010.

In 2011, for example, Florida shortened its early voting period from 14 to 8 days. The cuts led to long lines at polling stations during the 2012 election, with one study estimating that because of those lines. After public outcry, Florida now allows its county election supervisors the discretion to expand early voting, although the total number of allowable days is . In 2014, Ohio legislators cut the state鈥檚 six-day 鈥済olden week鈥� early voting period, which had allowed voters to register and cast their ballot on the same day.

Other states that have shortened their early voting periods since 2010 include Tennessee, Nebraska, Georgia, West Virginia, and North Carolina. In 2014, Republican lawmakers in Wisconsin eliminated early voting on nights and weekends. A federal judge struck down this restriction, allowing the early voting periods to remain pending an appeal by the state that is by the U.S. Seventh Court of Appeals.

Thirty-four states have some form of restrictions on voting rights for people who have been convicted of felonies. Florida, Iowa, Virginia, and Kentucky currently impose ; those can only be discharged through a pardon issued by the state鈥檚 governor. These laws can be traced back to Jim Crow, and have had a disproportionate impact on Black voters in particular. Overall, Black Americans make up only 12 percent of the nation鈥檚 population, but 40 percent of those subject to felony disenfranchisement.

Between 2010 and 2012, Iowa, South Dakota, and Florida all for people convicted of felonies to regain their right to vote. But in recent years, the movement to give the vote back to people convicted of felonies has been picking up steam.

Florida 鈥� Floridians will have the chance this November to vote on Amendment 4, which would , including 500,000 Black Floridians. These are people with felony records, who have completed their sentences, parole and probation periods.

Delaware 鈥� In 2013, Democratic lawmakers in Delaware passed a law that allowed most people convicted of felonies to vote after completing their sentence, including parole and probation periods.

Kentucky 鈥� In 2015, an executive order by the state鈥檚 Democratic governor restored voting rights for people who had been convicted of non-violent felonies. But just a few months later, his Republican successor .

Maryland 鈥� In 2016, the Maryland General Assembly overrode a gubernatorial veto of a bill that restored voting rights to anyone who had been convicted of a felony but was not incarcerated. Now, people with felony convictions are after they are released from prison even if they are on probation or parole.

Louisiana 鈥� Earlier this year, John Bel Edwards, Louisiana鈥檚 Republican governor, that granted the right to vote to people who鈥檇 been convicted of felonies and have been out of prison for five years but are still on probation or parole.

Virginia 鈥� In 2016, Terry McAuliffe, the Democratic governor, signed an executive order that restored voting rights to people who鈥檇 been convicted of felonies and completed their sentences, including parole and probation periods. There was strong partisan opposition by Republicans, and the Virginia Supreme Court ruled McAuliffe鈥檚 order unconstitutional. McAuliffe countered by personally restoring voting rights on an individual basis to over .